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A Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory report from notes: [53]. We found the precipitation to be unusually large but not unique. We conclude that such an event, although rare, is not unique and, furthermore, that this particular event was associated with an auroral arc that probably existed before the Vela event.

Although it may be argued that the segment of the arc sampled by the TIROS-N was intensified by a SNB, we find no evidence to support this thesis or to suggest that the observation was anything but the result of natural magnetospheric processes.

There is still considerable disagreement within the Intelligence Community as to whether the flash in the South Atlantic detected by a US [ If the latter, the need for South Africa to test a device during the time frame of this Estimate is significantly diminished.

A shorter form of this wording was used in a subsequent National Intelligence Council memorandum of September In February , Commodore Dieter Gerhardt , a convicted Soviet spy and the commander of South Africa's Simon's Town naval base at the time, talked about the incident upon his release from prison.

He said:. Although I was not directly involved in planning or carrying out the operation, I learned unofficially that the flash was produced by an Israeli-South African test, code-named Operation Phoenix.

The explosion was clean and was not supposed to be detected. But they were not as smart as they thought, and the weather changed—so the Americans were able to pick it up.

Gerhardt further stated that no South African naval vessels had been involved, and that he had no first-hand knowledge of a nuclear test.

In , then President F. There was no mention specifically of the Vela incident or of Israeli cooperation in South Africa's nuclear program.

On 20 April , the Israeli daily newspaper Haaretz quoted the South African deputy foreign minister, Aziz Pahad , as supposedly confirming that the "double flash" from over the Indian Ocean was indeed from a South African nuclear test.

Haaretz also cited past reports that Israel had purchased tons of uranium from South Africa for its own nuclear plant in Dimona.

In exchange, Israel allegedly supplied South Africa with nuclear weapons design information and nuclear materials to increase the power of nuclear warheads.

In other words, he was merely repeating rumors that had been circulating for years. The U. A thorough public airing of the existing information could resolve the controversy.

In October , a white paper that was published by the U. There remains uncertainty about whether the South Atlantic flash in September recorded by optical sensors on the U.

Vela satellite was a nuclear detonation and, if so, to whom it belonged. In , Stansfield Turner , the Director of Central Intelligence during the Carter administration, stated that the Vela detection was of a "man-made phenomenon".

We had operational successes, most importantly regarding Pretoria's nuclear capability. My sources collectively provided incontrovertible evidence that the apartheid government had in fact tested a nuclear bomb in the South Atlantic in , and that they had developed a delivery system with assistance from the Israelis.

In the entry for 22 September , he wrote "There was indication of a nuclear explosion in the region of South Africa—either South Africa, Israel using a ship at sea, or nothing.

Some American information related to this incident has been declassified in the form of heavily redacted reports and memoranda following requests for records made under the US Freedom of Information Act ; on 5 May , many of these declassified documents were made available through the National Security Archive.

A Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored panel of well-respected scientists concluded that a mysterious flash detected by a U.

Vela satellite over the South Atlantic on the night of 22 September was likely a nuclear test.

The newly released research and subsequent report was largely based upon recently declassified documents in files at the National Archives of Gerard C.

Smith , a former Ambassador and special envoy on nuclear nonproliferation during Jimmy Carter's presidency.

He added that the "weight of the evidence pointed towards a nuclear event" and cited hydroacoustic data analyzed by the Naval Research Laboratory.

The data, he suggested, involved "signals From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Vela Incident. Crozet Islands.

See also: Nuclear weapons and Israel. See also: Israel—South Africa relations. NZ Herald. Retrieved 13 August Pretoria, ZA: Litera. Retrieved 19 April The New York Times.

Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 28 July An analysis of the evidence today points to a clandestine nuclear test, a Carter administration cover-up, and only one country that was willing and able to carry it out: Israel.

A high-level firing. Shalhevet Freier, the director-general of the Israel Atomic Energy Commission starting in , was fired in , and his replacement by Brig.

Freier, who died in , never disclosed what the policy disagreement was. A press leak from Israel.

Raviv filed his report from Rome in an effort to evade Israeli military censorship. Decades later, Raviv told one of us that he had an additional high-level and reliable Israeli political source who confirmed the Vela story, the late Eliyahu Speiser, a well-connected Israeli politician and member of the Knesset for the Labor Party between and Speiser was in those days close to Peres.

The MIT connection. The Naval Research Laboratory. Alan Berman had been director of research at the Naval Research Laboratory and played a crucial role in a June report that concluded that the preponderance of evidence based on a wide variety of data from specialized sensors, including underwater acoustic signals, supported a nuclear test.

Even if the declassification process continues to hold back important intelligence reports and findings, the accretion of information, direct and circumstantial, makes the case for an Israeli nuclear detonation on Sept.

The meeting took place at a time when the United States was urging membership in a universal treaty that, a few months later, formally became the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons NPT.

Kissinger wrote a memo for the president on Oct. Johnson, refined by Nixon, and sustained by every U. The now-overwhelming evidence is that the tacit U.

At the time of the Vela event, I was working in the Senate, specializing on nuclear policy matters. I was invited to briefings by Carter administration personnel that caused me to conclude that the Vela event was a nuclear test.

The manner in which I was prevented from stating this opinion publicly caused me to conclude further that Israel was the perpetrator.

The intelligence agencies at the time had little doubt that the signal was from a nuclear test.

In an email on Oct. Without being told anything about the origin of the two signals, Herman traced them with his finger like a maestro might look at a piece of music he had written.

The Carter White House quickly went into crisis mode and clamped down on reports regarding the satellite information.

After all, Carter had been touting his support for nuclear arms control and nonproliferation. In addition to its requirements against reprocessing, the Glenn Amendment, passed in , forbade nuclear explosive testing.

Carter also tried to forge a Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty with the Soviets in the face of conservative political opposition claiming that verification of such a treaty was problematic and perhaps impossible.

The Vela event presented several political dilemmas for Carter: If the administration claimed that Vela did not detect a nuclear test, then the disagreements from expert scientific observers of the satellite system would suggest a large element of uncertainty as to whether the satellite system for detecting nuclear explosions was reliable, which would translate into the unreliability of verification of a comprehensive nuclear testing ban.

On the other hand, if the administration admitted that Vela detected a nuclear test, then it would have to identify the perpetrator.

If Carter named Israel as the perpetrator, he could not avoid the imposition of sanctions under the Glenn Amendment without declaring in essence that the United States had a double standard in its policy on nonproliferation and that Israel was subject to different rules than Pakistan and India.

And imposing sanctions on Israel would have caused a furor among the large pro-Israel element in the Jewish diaspora, an important locus of political support for the Democratic Party and for Carter himself, especially after the success of his efforts to broker the Camp David Accords that brought peace between Israel and Egypt.

Because the panel was kept from delving into intelligence information relevant to the Vela event, they could not consider whether reports of Israeli nuclear and missile cooperation with South Africa could have been motivating factors for a nuclear test involving both countries.

The panel was tasked instead with searching for technical explanations of the double flash other than a nuclear test.

While Carter did not lie about the Vela event, he allowed the truth to be obscured by means of a White House panel whose creation was politically motivated.

The sensitivity of the U. As a result, the full political ramifications of an Israeli test have been avoided thus far.

After four decades, there is a constituency within government, arms control think tanks, and political organizations for letting sleeping dogs lie.

In the age of President Donald Trump, it is natural to avoid raising an uncomfortable issue that is now 40 years old when there are virtually daily assaults on the U.

Constitution and the liberal international order. But if there is any hope of a successful international movement toward a world without nuclear weapons there must be a serious commitment to the enforcement of international treaties, regardless of the diplomatic or domestic political problems such enforcement might create.

Carter famously ran on a promise of never lying to the American people. In his golden years, he should consider setting the record straight as yet another important contribution to his legacy as a peacemaker committed to nonproliferation.

Correction, Sept. North Korean leader Kim Jong Un inspects the ground jet test of a newly developed high-thrust engine at the Sohae Satellite Launching Ground in North Korea in a photo released by state media on March 19, Even when awkward facts are generally known—and perhaps especially when they are—getting government authorities to admit to them is difficult.

Admitting Israel did so could not only trigger U. Although it might be distasteful and galling for the U.

To its credit, the Trump administration has made treaty enforcement the sine qua non of U. In its Nuclear Posture Review , it emphasized the importance of effective compliance, enforcement, and enforceability of nuclear arms controls as a condition for U.

Then, several months later, U. The Russians, he argued , fielded missiles that were in clear violation of the agreement.

Even if the U. That seemed good enough. The United States did not. More recently, U. President George W. Bush looked the other way when the International Atomic Energy Agency found evidence that South Korea and Egypt were in breach of its nuclear safeguards obligations.

He was quickly overruled. This would seem to make sense, as it would help discourage future violations of pledges not to test by countries such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey, South Korea, Japan, and other aspirational nuclear states.

Although the Trump administration is a stickler for compliance and enforcement of nuclear understandings and treaties, Israel is a special case.

Every U. It would be risky at best for any U. That, after all, is what Israel accuses Iran of doing. Then, there are the legal implications of a violation confirmation.

In , , and , U. These laws banned U. Of course, the law allows the president to waive these sanctions, but Israel, which receives billions of dollars in U.

Still, if the president is asked whether Israel has nuclear weapons or has ever tested them, he might just blurt out the truth.

And, then, there is the prospect of a progressive Democratic president who, eager for more nuclear controls, might add to what former U.

With time and increasing evidence that Israel did test in , the odds of confirmation only increase. The question is just when such a confirmation will be made.

Or will it come later, when the last vestige of nuclear constraints, including the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Partial Test Ban Treaty, have fully fallen into disuse and decay?

If so, a return to order may require nothing less than the kind of political shock that came in with the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima.

He was, at the time, also a high-level Soviet spy working for the GRU military intelligence service.

Foreign Policy spoke to him via email about his recollections of the Vela incident. Foreign Policy: Simonstown naval base was closed for a few days around the time of the Vela incident.

Were you given any explanation at the time—and where did the order to close come from? Dieter Gerhardt: No direct explanation was given.

Often one can deduce that an activity is highly confidential when senior responsible officers are extremely tight-lipped and dodge seemingly reasonable questions.

FP: When South Africa was caught preparing an underground nuclear test in , you played a role in tipping off the Soviets, whose satellite detected the test preparations.

DG: Individuals involved in the program disappeared from the scene and were isolated from their previous colleagues.

The brightest of the bright were suddenly no longer reachable. The gaps left by their sudden absence told a significant story itself.

A majority of drivers in Saudi Arabia have committed traffic violations which are detected by Saher Cameras. Most of the times the Saher camera flashes one time.

The single flash of Saher Camera means that you have crossed the allowed limit on the road and the Saher Camera has taken a picture of your car.

Recommended: What are the different levels of fines for over-speeding in Saudi Arabia? You might have noticed that sometimes there is a double flash of a speed camera.

Ever wondered why does it flash two times? Well, there are two reasons for a double flash of speed Cameras. You will not find a speed camera flashing three times on a car in Saudi Arabia as it will always be single or double flash.

The Saher Cameras installed on the signals flash 3 times whenever they detect a traffic violation. Therefore, if you notice a triple flash of Saher camera, you need to be worried about it as the traffic fine for crossing a red signal is too high.

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